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NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF 2020 BY NPR, THE FINANCIAL TIMES, AND GQ

The hidden story of the wanton slaughter -- in Indonesia, Latin America, and around the world -- backed by the United States. In 1965, the U.S. government helped the Indonesian military kill approximately one million innocent civilians. This was one of the most important turning points of the twentieth century, eliminating the largest communist party outside China and the

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Book ID Asin: 1541724003
Book Title: The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World
Book Author: Vincent Bevins
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Book Category: Books, History, Americas and unknown
Book Rating: 888 ratings

The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World by Vincent Bevins Book Review

Name: David Swanson
Rating: 5.0 out of 5 stars
Title: We Are All Jakarta
Date: Reviewed in the United States on June 2, 2020
Review: The war on Vietnam plays an infinitely larger role in history in the common understanding of a typical U.S. citizen than does what the U.S. government did to Indonesia in 1965-1966. But if you read The Jakarta Method, the new book by Vincent Bevins, you will have to wonder what moral basis there can possibly be for that fact.

During the war on Vietnam a tiny fraction of the casualties were members of the U.S. military. During the overthrow of Indonesia, zero percent of the casualties were members of the U.S. military. The war on Vietnam may have killed some 3.8 million people, not counting those who would die later from environmental poisoning or war-induced suicide, and not counting Laos or Cambodia. The overthrow of Indonesia may have killed some 1 million people. But let’s look a bit further.

The war on Vietnam was a failure for the U.S. military. The overthrow in Indonesia was a success. The former changed little in the world. The latter was critical in destroying the non-aligned movement of third-world governments, and in establishing a policy of quietly “disappearing” and torturing and slaughtering huge numbers of left-leaning civilians all over the globe. That policy was taken by U.S. officials from Indonesia to Latin America and used to establish Operation Condor and a wider global network of U.S.-led and U.S.-supported mass-murder operations.

The Jakarta method was used in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay in the 1970s and 1980s, to the tune of 60,000 to 80,000 people murdered. The same tool was taken into Vietnam in 1968-1972 under the name Operation Phoenix (50,000 killed), Iraq 1963 and 1978 (5,000 killed), Mexico 1965-1982 (1,300 killed), the Philippines 1972-1986 (3,250 killed), Thailand 1973 (3,000 killed), Sudan 1971 (fewer than 100 killed), East Timor 1975-1999 (300,000 killed), Nicaragua 1979-1989 (50,000 killed), El Salvador 1979-1992 (75,000 killed), Honduras 1980-1993 (200 killed), Colombia 1985-1995 (3,000-5,000 killed), plus some places where similar methods had been begun already, such as Taiwan 1947 (10,000 killed), South Korea 1948-1950 (100,000 to 200,000 killed), Guatemala 1954-1996 (200,000 killed), and Venezuela 1959-1970 (500-1,500 killed).

These are Bevins’ numbers, but the list is hardly exhaustive, and the full impact can’t be understood without recognizing the extent to which this was known around the world outside of the United States, and the degree to which this murder spree made the mere threat of further killing decisive in influencing governments toward policies that harmed their people — not to mention the resentment and blowback produced. I just interviewed John Perkins, author of Confessions of an Economic Hitman, on Talk Nation Radio, about his new book, and when I asked him how many coups had been accomplished without any coup being needed, simply with a threat, his answer was “countless.”

The Jakarta Method makes clear some basic points that popular conceptions of history get wrong. The Cold War was not won, capitalism was not spread, the U.S. sphere of influence was not enlarged just by example or even by Hollywood promotion of something desirable, but also significantly by murdering masses of men, women, and children with dark skin in poor countries without getting U.S. troops killed which might have caused someone to start caring. The secretive, cynical CIA and alphabet soup of unaccountable agencies accomplished almost nothing over the years through spying and snooping — in fact those efforts were almost always counterproductive on their own terms. The tools that overthrew governments and imposed corporate policies and sucked out profits and raw materials and cheap labor were not just propaganda tools and not just the carrots of aid to brutal dictators, but also, perhaps first and foremost: the machete, the rope, the gun, the bomb, and the electric wire.

The murder campaign in Indonesia did not have a magical origin out of nowhere, though it was new in its scale and in its success. And it did not depend on a single decision in the White House, though the transfer of power from JFK to LBJ was critical. The United States had been preparing Indonesian soldiers in the United States for years, and arming the Indonesian military for years. The U.S. took a peacefully minded ambassador out of Indonesia and put in one who had been part of a brutal coup in South Korea. The CIA had its new leader of Indonesia picked out well in advance, as well as long lists of “communists” who should be murdered. And so they were. Bevins notes that U.S. officials had already supplied similar murder lists in Guatemala 1954 and Iraq 1963. I suspect South Korea 1949-1950 may belong in that list as well.

The overthrow in Indonesia protected and enlarged the profits of U.S. oil companies, mining companies, plantation owners, and other corporations. As the blood flowed, U.S. media outlets reported that backward Orientals were spontaneously and meaninglessly ending lives they didn’t much value (and nobody else should much value either). In reality the primary mover behind the violence and chief instigator in keeping it going and expanding was the U.S. government. The world’s third largest communist party was destroyed. The founder of the Third World movement was removed. And an insane right-wing anti-communist regime was established and used as a model for elsewhere.

While we now know from research by Erica Chenoweth that nonviolent campaigns against tyranny and foreign occupation have been far more likely to succeed and those successes dramatically longer lasting than the successes of violent campaigns, knowledge of this approach was impeded by the overthrow of Indonesia. Around the world, a different lesson was “learned,” namely that leftists in Indonesia should have been armed and violent. This lesson brought endless misery to various populations for decades.

Bevins’ book is remarkably honest and free of U.S.-centric bias (or anti-U.S. bias for that matter). There is one exception, and it’s a predictable one: World War II. According to Bevins, the United States military fought in World War II to liberate prisoners from death camps, and won the war. The power of this mythology in advancing programs of mass killing that Bevins clearly objects to should not be under-estimated. The U.S. government before and during World War II refused to evacuate those threatened by the Nazis, declined repeatedly to take any diplomatic or military step to halt that horror, and never associated the war with efforts to save prison camp victims until after the war was over — a war overwhelmingly won by the Soviet Union.

Name: Kyle Loomis
Rating: 5.0 out of 5 stars
Title: Can't recommend enough--buying more copies for family and friends
Date: Reviewed in the United States on May 29, 2020
Review: The Jakarta Method is a compelling narrative, and easy to read. I stayed up until the early morning hours reading it--I could not put it down.

The content is heavily based on official declassified documents, research conducted with historians and other experts, and a lot of testimony from firsthand sources. The author refrains from offering his own opinions.

This book is a fascinating telling of aspects of the Cold War that I, as an American (even an amateur history buff), did not know.

It's important to note that the author does not offer any apologies or sympathy to the atrocities committed by the Soviet and/or Chinese Communist parties.

The book is devoted to telling the stories of countries that escaped American mainstream media, but nonetheless are important to understanding our world as it was 70 years ago and how our world is now. The author has done a great service by compiling these intertwined stories to illustrate how the US attained and preserved its spot at the top of the world order.

This is the type of far-reaching and gripping story that gets picked up for a Netflix series in the next 10 years.

Name: Not happy, burnt wall
Rating: 5.0 out of 5 stars
Title: Couldn't put it down
Date: Reviewed in the United States on May 26, 2020
Review: This book was written by someone who not only deeply cared about the subject matter but understood the history behind it. Not only was it a well researched and thought out book but it was also incredibly written. I feel like I connected to the subject matter like I would in a piece of fiction, but this is very real. I highly recommend it.

Name: Darrell T. Freund
Rating: 3.0 out of 5 stars
Title: Good story not so good history
Date: Reviewed in the United States on December 22, 2020
Review: Have you ever read a book where the author makes a claim early in the book that is wrong and you begin to question his/her credibility? Well Bevins does this in the Jakarta Method and it left me wondering if other claims in his book are also wrong. Bevins claims in the first chapter that the first time napalm was used was during Truman's and the West's efforts to fight the communist attempt to take over Greece. This is false - napalm was used by US forces during WWII in places like Okinawa and Micronesia. Bevins also seems obsessed with calling JFK and Sukarno womanizers. He makes this claim more than once which is overkill. He also describes Sukarno's interaction with US officials as polite even though the US was "bombing" Ambon and trying to prevent Indonesia from falling under the Second World's influence. He also makes this claim more than once which is also overkill. He claims Stalin told communist forces around the world to "stand down" on more than one occasion in the book. I would not call Soviet efforts to take over Eastern Europe any sort of "stand down." He also mentions how the West caved when Jakarta was given West New Guinea but mentions nothing about Jakarta's 40+ years of transmigrasi policy which, according to some, is the text book definition of ethnic cleansing. The indigenous Melanesians of Papua have not been treated well by national government in Jakarta (which has been dominated by Javanese), and Bevins fails to mention this. I wanted to love this book and can't help wondering if Bevins (as some other reviewers have noted) has an ax to grind about US foreign policy since the end of WWII. If you Google Bevins you will see where his political loyalties lie. The man can believe and support whatever he wants, but if he wants to transition from being a journalist to being an historian he needs to get the history right and overcome his political biases. I spent four years in Indonesia and admire the people and the country. It looks like Bevins also admires Indonesia and perhaps he wants to remain there which could explain why he is not very critical of the Indonesian government in this book. One final note - I think Bevins missed an opportunity in the book. He introduces the viewpoint of an ethnic Chinese Indonesian without adequately noting that Indonesian Chinese are not treated well because they are Christians. My landlord in Jakarta was an ethnic Chinese. He told me many stories over the years about how hard the ethnic Chinese have it in Indonesia. I liked that Bevins compares the ethnic Chinese of Indonesians to the Jews of Europe. There are many parallels, but Bevins neglects to mention the role religion plays in Indonesia regarding why the ethnic Chinese and some other minorities have not fully integrated into Indonesian society. To be fair to Bevins, some of the points I raise in this review could result in books that Bevins or someone else may write someday. Let's see what Bevins tackles in his next book. I'll read it.